The actions of our
enemies over the last few weeks have been brutal,
calculating, and instructive. We've seen a car bombing
take the life of a 61-year-old Iraqi named Izzedin
Saleem, who was serving as President of the Governing
Council. This crime shows our enemy's intention to
prevent Iraqi self-government, even if that means
killing a lifelong Iraqi patriot and a faithful Muslim.
Mr. Saleem was assassinated by terrorists seeking the
return of tyranny and the death of democracy.
We've also seen
images of a young American facing decapitation. This
vile display shows a contempt for all the rules of
warfare, and all the bounds of civilized behavior. It
reveals a fanaticism that was not caused by any action
of ours, and would not be appeased by any concession. We
suspect that the man with the knife was an al Qaeda
associate named Zarqawi. He and other terrorists know
that Iraq is now the central front in the war on terror.
And we must understand that, as well. The return of
tyranny to Iraq would be an unprecedented terrorist
victory, and a cause for killers to rejoice. It would
also embolden the terrorists, leading to more bombings,
more beheadings, and more murders of the innocent around
the world.
The rise of a free
and self-governing Iraq will deny terrorists a base of
operation, discredit their narrow ideology, and give
momentum to reformers across the region. This will be a
decisive blow to terrorism at the heart of its power,
and a victory for the security of America and the
civilized world.
Our work in Iraq has
been hard. Our coalition has faced changing conditions
of war, and that has required perseverance, sacrifice,
and an ability to adapt. The swift removal of Saddam
Hussein's regime last spring had an unintended effect:
Instead of being killed or captured on the battlefield,
some of Saddam's elite guards shed their uniforms and
melted into the civilian population. These elements of
Saddam's repressive regime and secret police have
reorganized, rearmed, and adopted sophisticated
terrorist tactics. They've linked up with foreign
fighters and terrorists. In a few cities, extremists
have tried to sow chaos and seize regional power for
themselves. These groups and individuals have
conflicting ambitions, but they share a goal: They hope
to wear out the patience of Americans, our coalition,
and Iraqis before the arrival of effective
self-government, and before Iraqis have the capability
to defend their freedom.
Iraq now faces a
critical moment. As the Iraqi people move closer to
governing themselves, the terrorists are likely to
become more active and more brutal. There are difficult
days ahead, and the way forward may sometimes appear
chaotic. Yet our coalition is strong, our efforts are
focused and unrelenting, and no power of the enemy will
stop Iraq's progress.
Helping construct a
stable democracy after decades of dictatorship is a
massive undertaking. Yet we have a great advantage.
Whenever people are given a choice in the matter, they
prefer lives of freedom to lives of fear. Our enemies in
Iraq are good at filling hospitals, but they do not
build any. They can incite men to murder and suicide,
but they cannot inspire men to live, and hope, and add
to the progress of their country. The terrorists' only
influence is violence, and their only agenda is death.
Our agenda, in
contrast, is freedom and independence, security and
prosperity for the Iraqi people. And by removing a
source of terrorist violence and instability in the
Middle East, we also make our own country more secure.
Our coalition has a
clear goal, understood by all -- to see the Iraqi people
in charge of Iraq for the first time in generations.
America's task in Iraq is not only to defeat an enemy,
it is to give strength to a friend -- a free,
representative government that serves its people and
fights on their behalf. And the sooner this goal is
achieved, the sooner our job will be done.
There are five steps
in our plan to help Iraq achieve democracy and freedom.
We will hand over authority to a sovereign Iraqi
government, help establish security, continue rebuilding
Iraq's infrastructure, encourage more international
support, and move toward a national election that will
bring forward new leaders empowered by the Iraqi people.
The first of these
steps will occur next month, when our coalition will
transfer full sovereignty to a government of Iraqi
citizens who will prepare the way for national
elections. On June 30th, the Coalition Provisional
Authority will cease to exist, and will not be replaced.
The occupation will end, and Iraqis will govern their
own affairs. America's ambassador to Iraq, John
Negroponte, will present his credentials to the new
president of Iraq. Our embassy in Baghdad will have the
same purpose as any other American embassy, to assure
good relations with a sovereign nation. America and
other countries will continue to provide technical
experts to help Iraq's ministries of government, but
these ministries will report to Iraq's new prime
minister.
The United Nations
Special Envoy, Lakhdar Brahimi, is now consulting with a
broad spectrum of Iraqis to determine the composition of
this interim government. The special envoy intends to
put forward the names of interim government officials
this week. In addition to a president, two vice
presidents, and a prime minister, 26 Iraqi ministers
will oversee government departments, from health to
justice to defense. This new government will be advised
by a national council, which will be chosen in July by
Iraqis representing their country's diversity. This
interim government will exercise full sovereignty until
national elections are held. America fully supports Mr.
Brahimi's efforts, and I have instructed the Coalition
Provisional Authority to assist him in every way
possible.
In preparation for
sovereignty, many functions of government have already
been transferred. Twelve government ministries are
currently under the direct control of Iraqis. The
Ministry of Education, for example, is out of the
propaganda business, and is now concerned with educating
Iraqi children. Under the direction of Dr. Ala'din al-Alwan,
the Ministry has trained more than 30,000 teachers and
supervisors for the schools of a new Iraq.
All along, some have
questioned whether the Iraqi people are ready for
self-government, or even want it. And all along, the
Iraqi people have given their answer. In settings where
Iraqis have met to discuss their country's future, they
have endorsed representative government. And they are
practicing representative government. Many of Iraq's
cities and towns now have elected town councils or city
governments -- and beyond the violence, a civil society
is emerging.
The June 30th
transfer of sovereignty is an essential commitment of
our strategy. Iraqis are proud people who resent foreign
control of their affairs, just as we would. After
decades under the tyrant, they are also reluctant to
trust authority. By keeping our promise on June 30th,
the coalition will demonstrate that we have no interest
in occupation. And full sovereignty will give Iraqis a
direct interest in the success of their own government.
Iraqis will know that when they build a school or repair
a bridge, they're not working for the Coalition
Provisional Authority, they are working for themselves.
And when they patrol the streets of Baghdad, or engage
radical militias, they will be fighting for their own
country.
The second step in
the plan for Iraqi democracy is to help establish the
stability and security that democracy requires.
Coalition forces and the Iraqi people have the same
enemies -- the terrorists, illegal militia, and Saddam
loyalists who stand between the Iraqi people and their
future as a free nation. Working as allies, we will
defend Iraq and defeat these enemies.
America will provide
forces and support necessary for achieving these goals.
Our commanders had estimated that a troop level below
115,000 would be sufficient at this point in the
conflict. Given the recent increase in violence, we'll
maintain our troop level at the current 138,000 as long
as necessary. This has required extended duty for the
1st Armored Division and the 2nd Light Cavalry Regiment
-- 20,000 men and women who were scheduled to leave Iraq
in April. Our nation appreciates their hard work and
sacrifice, and they can know that they will be heading
home soon. General Abizaid and other commanders in Iraq
are constantly assessing the level of troops they need
to fulfill the mission. If they need more troops, I will
send them. The mission of our forces in Iraq is
demanding and dangerous. Our troops are showing
exceptional skill and courage. I thank them for their
sacrifices and their duty.
In the city of
Fallujah, there's been considerable violence by Saddam
loyalists and foreign fighters, including the murder of
four American contractors. American soldiers and Marines
could have used overwhelming force. Our commanders,
however, consulted with Iraq's Governing Council and
local officials, and determined that massive strikes
against the enemy would alienate the local population,
and increase support for the insurgency. So we have
pursued a different approach. We're making security a
shared responsibility in Fallujah. Coalition commanders
have worked with local leaders to create an all-Iraqi
security force, which is now patrolling the city. Our
soldiers and Marines will continue to disrupt enemy
attacks on our supply routes, conduct joint patrols with
Iraqis to destroy bomb factories and safe houses, and
kill or capture any enemy.
We want Iraqi forces
to gain experience and confidence in dealing with their
country's enemies. We want the Iraqi people to know that
we trust their growing capabilities, even as we help
build them. At the same time, Fallujah must cease to be
a sanctuary for the enemy, and those responsible for
terrorism will be held to account.
In the cities of
Najaf and Karbala and Kufa, most of the violence has
been incited by a young, radical cleric who commands an
illegal militia. These enemies have been hiding behind
an innocent civilian population, storing arms and
ammunition in mosques, and launching attacks from holy
shrines. Our soldiers have treated religious sites with
respect, while systematically dismantling the illegal
militia. We're also seeing Iraqis, themselves, take more
responsibility for restoring order. In recent weeks,
Iraqi forces have ejected elements of this militia from
the governor's office in Najaf. Yesterday, an elite
Iraqi unit cleared out a weapons cache from a large
mosque in Kufa. Respected Shia leaders have called on
the militia to withdraw from these towns. Ordinary
Iraqis have marched in protest against the militants.
As challenges arise
in Fallujah, Najaf, and elsewhere, the tactics of our
military will be flexible. Commanders on the ground will
pay close attention to local conditions. And we will do
all that is necessary -- by measured force or
overwhelming force -- to achieve a stable Iraq.
Iraq's military,
police, and border forces have begun to take on broader
responsibilities. Eventually, they must be the primary
defenders of Iraqi security, as American and coalition
forces are withdrawn. And we're helping them to prepare
for this role. In some cases, the early performance of
Iraqi forces fell short. Some refused orders to engage
the enemy. We've learned from these failures, and we've
taken steps to correct them. Successful fighting units
need a sense of cohesion, so we've lengthened and
intensified their training. Successful units need to
know they are fighting for the future of their own
country, not for any occupying power, so we are ensuring
that Iraqi forces serve under an Iraqi chain of command.
Successful fighting units need the best possible
leadership, so we improved the vetting and training of
Iraqi officers and senior enlisted men.
At my direction, and
with the support of Iraqi authorities, we are
accelerating our program to help train Iraqis to defend
their country. A new team of senior military officers is
now assessing every unit in Iraq's security forces. I've
asked this team to oversee the training of a force of
260,000 Iraqi soldiers, police, and other security
personnel. Five Iraqi army battalions are in the field
now, with another eight battalions to join them by July
the 1st. The eventual goal is an Iraqi army of 35,000
soldiers in 27 battalions, fully prepared to defend
their country.
After June 30th,
American and other forces will still have important
duties. American military forces in Iraq will operate
under American command as a part of a multinational
force authorized by the United Nations. Iraq's new
sovereign government will still face enormous security
challenges, and our forces will be there to help.
The third step in the
plan for Iraqi democracy is to continue rebuilding that
nation's infrastructure, so that a free Iraq can quickly
gain economic independence and a better quality of life.
Our coalition has already helped Iraqis to rebuild
schools and refurbish hospitals and health clinics,
repair bridges, upgrade the electrical grid, and
modernize the communications system. And now a growing
private economy is taking shape. A new currency has been
introduced. Iraq's Governing Council approved a new law
that opens the country to foreign investment for the
first time in decades. Iraq has liberalized its trade
policy, and today an Iraqi observer attends meetings of
the World Trade Organization. Iraqi oil production has
reached more than two million barrels per day, bringing
revenues of nearly $6 billion so far this year, which is
being used to help the people of Iraq. And thanks in
part to the efforts of former Secretary of State James
Baker, many of Iraq's largest creditors have pledged to
forgive or substantially reduce Iraqi debt incurred by
the former regime.
We're making
progress. Yet there still is much work to do. Over the
decades of Saddam's rule, Iraq's infrastructure was
allowed to crumble, while money was diverted to palaces,
and to wars, and to weapons programs. We're urging other
nations to contribute to Iraqi reconstruction -- and 37
countries and the IMF and the World Bank have so far
pledged $13.5 billion in aid. America has dedicated more
than $20 billion to reconstruction and development
projects in Iraq. To ensure our money is spent wisely
and effectively, our new embassy in Iraq will have
regional offices in several key cities. These offices
will work closely with Iraqis at all levels of
government to help make sure projects are completed on
time and on budget.
A new Iraq will also
need a humane, well-supervised prison system. Under the
dictator, prisons like Abu Ghraib were symbols of death
and torture. That same prison became a symbol of
disgraceful conduct by a few American troops who
dishonored our country and disregarded our values.
America will fund the construction of a modern, maximum
security prison. When that prison is completed,
detainees at Abu Ghraib will be relocated. Then, with
the approval of the Iraqi government, we will demolish
the Abu Ghraib prison, as a fitting symbol of Iraq's new
beginning.
The fourth step in
our plan is to enlist additional international support
for Iraq's transition. At every stage, the United States
has gone to the United Nations -- to confront Saddam
Hussein, to promise serious consequences for his
actions, and to begin Iraqi reconstruction. Today, the
United States and Great Britain presented a new
resolution in the Security Council to help move Iraq
toward self-government. I've directed Secretary Powell
to work with fellow members of the Council to endorse
the timetable the Iraqis have adopted, to express
international support for Iraq's interim government, to
reaffirm the world's security commitment to the Iraqi
people, and to encourage other U.N. members to join in
the effort. Despite past disagreements, most nations
have indicated strong support for the success of a free
Iraq. And I'm confident they will share in the
responsibility of assuring that success.
Next month, at the
NATO summit in Istanbul, I will thank our 15 NATO allies
who together have more than 17,000 troops on the ground
in Iraq. Great Britain and Poland are each leading a
multinational division that is securing important parts
of the country. And NATO, itself, is giving helpful
intelligence, communications, and logistical support to
the Polish-led division. At the summit, we will discuss
NATO's role in helping Iraq build and secure its
democracy.
The fifth and most
important step is free, national elections, to be held
no later than next January. A United Nations team,
headed by Carina Perelli, is now in Iraq, helping form
an independent election commission that will oversee an
orderly, accurate national election. In that election,
the Iraqi people will choose a transitional national
assembly, the first freely-elected, truly representative
national governing body in Iraq's history. This assembly
will serve as Iraq's legislature, and it will choose a
transitional government with executive powers. The
transitional national assembly will also draft a new
constitution, which will be presented to the Iraqi
people in a referendum scheduled for the fall of 2005.
Under this new constitution, Iraq will elect a permanent
government by the end of next year.
In this time of war
and liberation and rebuilding, American soldiers and
civilians on the ground have come to know and respect
the citizens of Iraq. They're a proud people who hold
strong and diverse opinions. Yet Iraqis are united in a
broad and deep conviction: They're determined never
again to live at the mercy of a dictator. And they
believe that a national election will put that dark time
behind them. A representative government that protects
basic rights, elected by Iraqis, is the best defense
against the return of tyranny -- and that election is
coming.
Completing the five
steps to Iraqi elected self-government will not be easy.
There's likely to be more violence before the transfer
of sovereignty, and after the transfer of sovereignty.
The terrorists and Saddam loyalists would rather see
many Iraqis die than have any live in freedom. But
terrorists will not determine the future of Iraq.
That nation is moving
every week toward free elections and a permanent place
among free nations. Like every nation that has made the
journey to democracy, Iraqis will raise up a government
that reflects their own culture and values. I sent
American troops to Iraq to defend our security, not to
stay as an occupying power. I sent American troops to
Iraq to make its people free, not to make them American.
Iraqis will write their own history, and find their own
way. As they do, Iraqis can be certain, a free Iraq will
always have a friend in the United States of America.
In the last 32
months, history has placed great demands on our country,
and events have come quickly. Americans have seen the
flames of September the 11th, followed battles in the
mountains of Afghanistan, and learned new terms like
"orange alert" and "ricin" and "dirty bomb." We've seen
killers at work on trains in Madrid, in a bank in
Istanbul, at a synagogue in Tunis, and at a nightclub in
Bali. And now the families of our soldiers and civilian
workers pray for their sons and daughters in Mosul and
Karbala and Baghdad.
We did not seek this
war on terror, but this is the world as we find it. We
must keep our focus. We must do our duty. History is
moving, and it will tend toward hope, or tend toward
tragedy. Our terrorist enemies have a vision that guides
and explains all their varied acts of murder. They seek
to impose Taliban-like rule, country by country, across
the greater Middle East. They seek the total control of
every person, and mind, and soul, a harsh society in
which women are voiceless and brutalized. They seek
bases of operation to train more killers and export more
violence. They commit dramatic acts of murder to shock,
frighten and demoralize civilized nations, hoping we
will retreat from the world and give them free rein.
They seek weapons of mass destruction, to impose their
will through blackmail and catastrophic attacks. None of
this is the expression of a religion. It is a
totalitarian political ideology, pursued with consuming
zeal, and without conscience.
Our actions, too, are
guided by a vision. We believe that freedom can advance
and change lives in the greater Middle East, as it has
advanced and changed lives in Asia, and Latin America,
and Eastern Europe, and Africa. We believe it is a
tragedy of history that in the Middle East -- which gave
the world great gifts of law and science and faith -- so
many have been held back by lawless tyranny and
fanaticism. We believe that when all Middle Eastern
peoples are finally allowed to live and think and work
and worship as free men and women, they will reclaim the
greatness of their own heritage. And when that day
comes, the bitterness and burning hatreds that feed
terrorism will fade and die away. America and all the
world will be safer when hope has returned to the Middle
East.
These two visions --
one of tyranny and murder, the other of liberty and life
-- clashed in Afghanistan. And thanks to brave U.S. and
coalition forces and to Afghan patriots, the nightmare
of the Taliban is over, and that nation is coming to
life again. These two visions have now met in Iraq, and
are contending for the future of that country. The
failure of freedom would only mark the beginning of
peril and violence. But, my fellow Americans, we will
not fail. We will persevere, and defeat this enemy, and
hold this hard-won ground for the realm of liberty.
The above article
is the text of the President's remarks to the United
States Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania
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